The current mess is the social and economic outcome of 40 years of widespread #neoliberal policy and ideology. This did not appear from nowhere. It was built deliberately through institutions, media, economics, and politics over generations.
Thinkers like Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman developed and promoted the core ideas: society should be organized primarily through markets, competition, privatization, and individual self-interest. The role of the state was to enforce market logic, not protect social commons.
Politicians like Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan implemented these policies at scale during the 1980s, fundamentally reshaping government, labour relations, education, housing, media, and public life.
The goal was clear enough: restore elitist wealth and power after the post-war era of stronger unions, public infrastructure, welfare states, and redistributive social democracy had partially limited the dominance of capital.
Business interests, financial institutions, think tanks, academic economics departments, and much of the media ecosystem all played roles in normalizing and spreading this worldview. Over time, neoliberalism stopped appearing ideological and instead became framed as simple “common sense.” That is its real power.
The crises of the 1970s – oil shocks, stagflation, industrial conflict, and declining profitability – created the opening for #neoliberalism to present itself as the only serious alternative. Once embedded, the ideology spread far beyond conservative parties. Traditionally left-wing parties, including Labour Party in the UK, gradually absorbed the same assumptions about markets, privatization, growth, managerialism, and competition.
By the late 1990s and early 2000s, meaningful opposition inside mainstream politics had largely collapsed. Different parties still argued culturally and rhetorically, but underneath they increasingly shared the same economic operating system.
This is why the current crisis feels so total. It is not simply a matter of “bad politicians” or individual corruption. The problem is structural. Over 40 years, neoliberalism fundamentally altered how people, institutions, and governments understand themselves and their role in society.

Citizens became consumers, communities became markets, public goods became investment opportunities, education became job training, journalism became content production, politics became branding and human beings became “human capital.” Even resistance movements were reshaped by this logic.
The result is the rise of what can be called #stupidindividualism – the idea that every social problem should be solved through personal lifestyle choices, branding, competition, and individual moral performance rather than collective action and shared responsibility. This thinking now feels like “common sense” precisely because neoliberalism successfully embedded itself into everyday life. People who believe they oppose the system often still reproduce its assumptions:
- careerism over solidarity,
- competition over cooperation,
- visibility over substance,
- branding over organizing,
- management over trust,
- and market logic over commons.
This is why so many well-meaning projects end up reproducing the same failures. The ideology operates socially and culturally, not only economically.
Importantly, this was not primarily a conspiracy. It was a historical convergence of self-interest, institutional incentives, economic crisis, and #mainstreaming cultural momentum. A lot of people genuinely believed these policies would create freedom and prosperity. Others simply adapted because the system rewarded conformity and punished alternatives.
The result, however, is the mess we now live inside, collapsing public infrastructure, housing crises, ecological breakdown, permanent precarity, weakened communities, platform monopolies, endless culture wars, rising authoritarianism, and widespread social fragmentation.
In the current era of #climatechaos, this increasingly looks like a #deathcult path. We continue pushing endless growth, extraction, privatization, and consumption despite overwhelming evidence that the system is undermining the conditions needed for human and ecological survival.
And because neoliberal logic has become embedded as “reality,” many people struggle to even imagine alternatives. This is one of its deepest victories. That is why rebuilding commons culture matters so much.
Projects rooted in mutual aid, the #4opens, cooperative process, federated governance, gift economies, and grassroots organizing are not side issues. They are practical attempts to recover social relationships and collective capacities that neoliberalism systematically eroded.
The challenge now is not only resisting the current system, it is relearning how to build outside its assumptions.




